Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989, the
international system has witnessed tremendous changes.
First, it has witnessed the end of the era of
bi-polarism in which world balance of power rested
with two superpowers i.e. the US and USSR. Today the
world is unipolar with the balance of power tilted in
favour of the US. In Europe, we have witnessed the
unification of the Eastern and Western Germany with
the resultant effect that the country emerged stronger
in the EEC achieving in peace time what it could not
achieve in war time. Japan has also, in spite of its
devastating experiences in the Second World War,
emerged as a strong power in world economic relations.
In Asia, the so-called Newly Industrialised Countries
(NICs) in that region who massively benefited from the
concessions granted them by the west in the heat of
the cold war, which saw them recording some
appreciable level of economic growth, have continued
to suffer from declining fortunes since the end of the
cold war. This is because the concessions they
enjoyed from their western metropolitan mentors, have
been withdrawn as the imperatives for fighting
socialism in their region (which prompted the
concessions in the first place) no longer exists. In
Africa, it is still the same old story of communal
uprisings and genocidal strifes resulting from
internecine struggles for power, accelerated by high
poverty level, ever-increasing illiteracy,
malnourishment, diseases, etc. Perhaps with the
exception of few countries like South Africa, Ghana,
and to some extent Nigeria who have recorded some
level of improvement in their political economies, the
story from the continent within this period is not a
pleasant one to tell.
At the international level the United Nations
Organisation has remained the most formidable
conglomeration of nations guarding jealously, its
cardinal objective of ensuring the maintenance of
international peace and security. However, events
within the international system over the last few
years tend to portray the UN as a multilateral
organisation that has lost its clout and its
significance overtaken by events. Many analysts are
of the opinion that the organisation has become an
appendage of the US foreign policy machinery. This is
in view of the glaring incapacity demonstrated by the
organisation to tame the tide of US’s imperialistic
excesses in world politics especially its foreign
policy in the Middle East. The 2003 US attack on Iraq
and subsequent dethronement of Saddam Hussain’s
government without any UN resolution coupled with the
organisation’s inability to sanction the country for
its excesses, all team up to show that the
organisation has failed in its responsibilities and is
heading for the precipice. A little flashback to the
events that led to the failure of the League of
Nations, the organisation that preceded it, would
reveal that this assertion is not farfetched. One of
the major factors that led to the failure of the
League was its inability to sanction Mussolini when he
attacked Ethiopia, a member of the League apparently
due to the fear that sanctioning Italy on account of
that would make Mussolini withdraw from the League.
But this indifference exhibited by the League only
served as an impetus to other powerful countries to
toe similar path. For example, it was not until after
this that Hitler continued with his expansionist moves
which ultimately culminated in the collapse of the
League and consequently, igniting the Second World
War.
Bearing this scenario in mind, the need for the reform
of the UN could not have come at a better time if only
to avert the impending possibility of the organisation
going the way of the League of Nations and increasing
international tension, suspicion, distrust, insecurity
and possibly a Third World War which the world may not
survive in view of the mass proliferation of nuclear
weapons across continents. The need for the UN
reforms is even more pronounced, in realisation of the
fact that some of the present permanent members of the
council as presently constituted have outlived their
usefulness. For example, the imperatives that ensured
permanent seats for countries like France and Britain
which in any case has, over the years become the 51st
state of the US, no longer exist let alone a
disintegrated USSR! Isn’t it a fact that based on
contemporary realities, Germany and Japan could lay
more credible claim to the Permanent seat of UN
Security Council than any of the diminishing trio at
least in consideration of their strong economic base
and clout in international relations and politics?
The quest for a fairer regional representation in the
council could also never have come at a better time.
It is quite significant that in the light of their
enormous contributions to world economy, the African
continent and the Middle East countries definitely
deserve permanent representation in the council.
There is therefore no wondering why the African Union
(AU) favours the Option A of the reforms which
provides for a 24-member Security Council as against
the present 14 and the creation of six new permanent
seats two of which are to be allotted to Africa. In
this piece however, the focus will be on the chances
of Nigeria in clinching the permanent seat especially
in the light of the keen challenge it is facing from
at least two other major contenders from the continent
i.e. Egypt and South Africa. In doing this, the piece
shall highlight some of Nigeria’s strong points and
weaknesses in the contest which has since began in
earnest.
One of the major strong points of Nigeria in its quest
for the permanent seat of UN Security Council is its
leadership role in the continental politics. It is a
well-known fact that over the years, Nigeria’s foreign
policy has consistently been Afro-centric in nature.
This is based on the belief that the security
well-being of the country is more or less hinged on
the security and material wellbeing of its poor
neighbours. This is in recognition of the sad events
of the Nigerian civil war in which some powerful
enemies of Nigeria took advantage of its poor
neighbours to support the rebellion in Nigeria by
using their territories and waterways. Since, this
experience, Nigeria has attached so much premium not
only to the promotion and defence of its neighbours’
socio-economic and security interests, but also
defending the dignity of the black race the world
over. In this regard, and in its tireless effort of
wiping out colonialism and white minority rule in the
continent, Nigeria has been in congruence with the
cardinal principles and objectives which the United
Nations stands for. Towards this end, the country has
made significant contributions to the attainment of
independence of African countries such as Angola and
Zimbabwe and also played dominant roles in the
struggle against apartheid and white minority rule in
South Africa which not only saw to the achievement of
independence of those countries but also led to the
establishment of multi-racial government in South
Africa.
Furthermore, Nigeria has over the years, participated
in various peace keeping operations in war-torn
African countries and beyond under the umbrellas of
various multilateral organisations such as the UN, OAU
and ECOWAS. The human and financial commitments to
such noble ventures is unrivalled by any other country
in the continent. Moreover, over the last six years,
Nigeria has distinguished itself as a promoter and
defender of democratic ideals in the continent. The
country has played a commendable role in not only
ensuring the reversal of the military coup in
Sierra-Leone but also ensuring that the legitimate
government of Ahmed Tejan Kabba was restored to power.
Also, when the military establishment struck in
Sao-Tome and Principe, Nigeria was seen at the
forefront condemning the action and ensuring the
restoration of democratic order in the country.
Nigeria has also recently played a significant role in
quashing the obnoxious precedent that was about to be
set in Togo when the late President Gnassingbe Eyadema
died and the military guys, in glaring contravention
of constitutional provisions, installed his son as the
successor. Added to the fact that Nigeria itself is
now a democracy in spite of a long history of
militocracy, the country’s interventions in these
three African countries represent quite an impeccable
credential for the country as an emerging vanguard for
democracy and rule of law in the continent.
The question of debt overhang which has continued to
be a major nightmare of most third world countries
particularly African countries has also been
assiduously tackled by the country over the last six
years. Nigeria has spearheaded the campaign for debt
relief and or outright cancellation with all the
vociferousness it could muster. The campaign has been
effectively carried to the doorsteps of the western
creditor nations and their institutions like the Paris
and London clubs. Recently, such efforts have started
yielding positive results at least with the decision
of the European Union to forgive the debt of the
Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) of which
African countries are in the majority. Even though
Nigeria itself is yet to directly benefit from the
concessions, the indirect benefit that accrues to it
from this is the reaffirmation of its leadership clout
in the continent since the credit for the realised
concessions largely goes to it. On the other hand, if
the words of the World Bank governor Paul Wolfowitz
are anything to go by, in the foreseeable future, the
country’s $34b debt profile might be reduced to a mere
$6b. If this materializes, it will amount to killing
two birds with one stone.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s concerted efforts in making a
case for African emancipation from the shackles of
poverty, illiteracy, and underdevelopment at world
level has began to yield some positive results. For
example, the recent establishment of the UN Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) which are geared towards
halving the poverty level in Africa by the year 2015
is a case in point. Also, the establishment of the
African Commission by the British Government to
address the development question in Africa is largely
attributed to this. Whether these initiatives,
workout in the end or not, the fact remains that with
a megaphone like Nigeria in the Security Council of
the United Nations new grounds shall be broken that
will pave way for sustainable growth and development
in Africa.
The structure of Nigeria’s domestic political economy
is also a point of reference when considering the
possibility of its clinching the much coveted seat. A
careful study of the composition of the country’s
economy would reveal that it is a potentially great
one with abundant natural resources, arable land, good
climatic conditions, strategic location in the
continent, etc. Also the country’s large population
is a plus for it since it is the single most populated
country in the continent. If China could clinch the
seat largely on account of its population in its
region, Nigeria also qualifies on same ground.
Consequent upon the country’s large population, it has
consistently served as the largest market in Africa
and also constitutes a formidable military power in
the region.
Having considered some of the strong points that will
work in favour of Nigeria as far the quest for a
permanent seat in the UN Security Council is
concerned, it will not be out of place to consider
some of our major shortcomings. Along this line, the
first major setback against Nigeria is its inability
over the years, to match its resounding foreign policy
track record with an enduring and impeccable domestic
policy that is diligently followed to the letter. It
is a fact that Nigeria’s domestic policies have been
characterized by gross inconsistencies in the form of
lack of continuity and in majority of cases
half-hearted commitment to the execution of the
formulated policies. Scholars of international
relations and politics often posit that there is a
direct relationship between the realisation of a
country’s foreign policy objectives and its domestic
policies. In order words, the realisation of a
country’s foreign policy objectives is a function of
proper execution of its domestic policies. This
explains why Nigeria has failed to get maximum
benefits from its foreign policy engagements over the
years.
This point could be lucidly demonstrated by using the
character of President Obasanjo’s foreign policy
stance in the last six years which centres on
reconciling Nigeria with the international community,
particularly, the western world; partly because of the
bad image it suffers from successive years of military
rule and particularly because of Late General Abacha’s
antagonistic posture towards the western world which,
in the recent past, even saw the country being
expelled from the Commonwealth of Nations. The
administration has not only been able to commendably
reconcile and reintegrate Nigeria into the world
community but also established friendly relations with
the western world. But six years after all these
overtures and fence-mending, the administration has
failed to realise its objective of attracting Foreign
Direct Investments (FDIs) into the country in spite of
President Obasanjo’s personally taking the campaigns
to world capitals. This is mainly the result of the
government’s failure to effectively pursue domestic
policies and squarely address the country’s internal
problems with the deserved dexterity. For example,
one of the earliest promises of this administration
was that of ensuring the overhaul of the power and
energy sector of the Nigerian economy. The sad story
is that up till today, the government has not being
able to fulfil this promise as power and energy supply
remains epileptic which serves as a gross disincentive
to production, commerce and investment.
Also, the government’s gross failure to address the
question of increasing impoverishment, malnutrition,
hunger, and other deprivations in the midst of
abundance as well as its blatant neglect of social
sector services particularly education and health
under the guise of economic reforms, has continued to
elicit mass disenchantment of Nigerian masses for as
the saying goes, “a hungry man is an angry man.” Even
though this might be considered as a cliché, the
import of its moral must not be lost on us. Thus, the
recurrent ethno-religious conflagrations that have
almost become a permanent feature of our polity in the
last six years could well be explained along these
lines. Therefore, so long as conscious effort is not
been made by the government to address the question of
poverty and collapse of social institutions, it will
be difficult to tame the monsters of corruption,
ethno-religious uprisings, sabotage and vandalisation
of government properties among many other unpleasant
happenings that continue to cast the nation in bad
light over the years. The overall implication of this
is that it makes it difficult for any sane foreign
investor to come and invest in the country in spite of
whatever diplomatic white wash that would be engaged
in by the government. This is particularly true when
viewed within the context of the information
technology revolution which has turned the whole wide
world into a small global village in which happenings
in one country cannot be hidden from the knowledge of
other countries; certainly not with the wide network
of satellite televisions, internet technology,
powerful international radio and newspaper outfits
with universal coverage, etc.
Furthermore, the level of political immaturity in our
polity displayed through brazen arrogance of power and
other shameful acts that are at variance with
democratic norms could be another major undoing of our
international exploits. The Anambra crisis is a point
of reference when discussing the extent of the
degeneracy of our political culture, immaturity,
selfishness and greed. A situation whereby a sitting
governor is abducted and forced to resign with the
active connivance of the police who is supposed to be
the defender of democratic institutions and ideals is
unheard of in any civilised society. The situation
becomes more lamentable in the light of government’s
failure to take stern measures against the
perpetrators of the dastardly act.
In consideration of some of the gross impediments to
our quest for development and hindrances to
international prominence, it is recommended that the
present and indeed subsequent administrations in this
country should concentrate in instilling fiscal
discipline and consistency in domestic policy
formulation, execution and assessment without any
imaginary attachment to the dictates of contemporary
globalists. Recent initiatives by the present
administration in the area of economic and financial
crime fighting through the EFCC, the war against
corruption through the ICPC, the drug fight through
NAFDAC as well as the due process initiatives are
commendable. Intensification of these strides will
definitely yield more positive results in terms of
better international image and positive internal
growth and development for the country.
It is also recommended that the government treads
softly, the path of its adopted foreign-induced
economic reforms. This is because experience has
shown that sustainable development comes from within a
polity through deliberate, sincere and sustained
creation of institutions and structures that will
augment developmental efforts than by relying on the
dictates of IMF and World Bank. We must learn lessons
from the experiences of some African countries who
suffered the extreme devastating consequences of
holding on to such policies. For example, today
Somalia is a failed state because of its
implementation of the Bretton Woods Institutions’
(BWIs) recommended structural adjustment programmes.
Also the Rwandan genocide of 1994 which is
unprecedented in human history, culminated from the
country’s embracement of such programmes after the
price of coffee, its major revenue earner, crashed in
the international market.
Also, bearing in mind, the experiences of the
so-called Asian tigers especially since the post-cold
war abandonment syndrome sets in, it is glaring that
sustainable development always results from conscious
homegrown initiatives as against reliance on handouts
and concessions from metropolitan powers and blatant
disregard for the sufferings of the masses in the
domestic front occasioned by the policies recommended
by them. The right model to adopt in this regard
should be the Japanese model who, after suffering the
worst damage in the Second World War, today emerges as
major world economic power whose thriving economy is
threatening to outdo the ageing economies of the US
and Britain put together. It achieves this feat
largely through putting its house in order and
pursuing vigorous human resources development
initiatives as well as effective exploration of
domestic potentialities.
It is also recommended that the Nigerian authorities
should, rather than pursuing diligently, the polices
of deregulation and less government intervention in
economic affairs, take a cue from President
Roosevelt’s (1933-1936) programme of action titled
“The New Deal.” According to Professor Sam Aluko in
his work entitled “The Economic and Political Failure
of Globalisation in Africa”, “when faced with a
depressed and oppressed economy, he (Roosevelt) used
the powers of the American government to upstart and
reinvigorate the tottering economy of the USA. When
he became the President of the United States in March,
1933, the economy of the USA was in shambles; the
financial system was disintegrating; industrial and
agricultural production had collapsed, about 13
million unemployed US workers (constituting about 25%
of the labour force) were wandering around, homeless,
hungry and starving (in Africa, today, such army of
the unemployed are either fighting, rebelling,
terrorizing, or starving).”
He went on, “In a program which he labelled the "New
Deal", Roosevelt put in place measures to improve
agriculture and industry, grant debt relief to farmers
and private households and the needy and, in a planned
manner, ensured that the government strictly
supervised banking, credits and investments by ending
speculation with people's money. That is, under
government control, he ensured a disciplined attack on
the economic problems of the USA. In the "New Deal",
the US government issued credit to finance public
works and large-scale infrastructural projects. In the
rural areas electrified-canals, tunnels, bridges,
highways, streets, sewage systems, houses, hospitals,
schools, universities, multi-purpose dams, power
plants, fertilizer factories, and flood control docks
were built”.
He further asserted that “Farmers were given
fertilizers at heavily subsidized cost. Wages were
increased and minimum wage legislation was enacted.
Insurance for the unemployed, the sick and the old,
and a decent health care system were introduced. Child
labour was abolished and a "Bill of Rights" for the
American workers was introduced. The American
government was not indifferent to the plight of the
American people nor did the government leave the
economy to "market forces". Rather, the organic power
of the state was used to uplift the American citizens
from economic morass. It was the 'New Deal' that took
America out of depression and put it on the path of
economic growth, which today has made her the most
economically powerful country in the world.”
In the light of the above, it can be argued therefore
that with staunch and practical homegrown domestic
policies which are in line with our domestic, regional
and continental realities and in concert with our long
established resounding foreign policy track record
coupled with a permanent seat in the UN Security
Council, the country might have finally taken the road
to greatness, self-sufficiency and purposive
leadership and representation of Africa within the
international system.
First, it has witnessed the end of the era of
bi-polarism in which world balance of power rested
with two superpowers i.e. the US and USSR. Today the
world is unipolar with the balance of power tilted in
favour of the US. In Europe, we have witnessed the
unification of the Eastern and Western Germany with
the resultant effect that the country emerged stronger
in the EEC achieving in peace time what it could not
achieve in war time. Japan has also, in spite of its
devastating experiences in the Second World War,
emerged as a strong power in world economic relations.
In Asia, the so-called Newly Industrialised Countries
(NICs) in that region who massively benefited from the
concessions granted them by the west in the heat of
the cold war, which saw them recording some
appreciable level of economic growth, have continued
to suffer from declining fortunes since the end of the
cold war. This is because the concessions they
enjoyed from their western metropolitan mentors, have
been withdrawn as the imperatives for fighting
socialism in their region (which prompted the
concessions in the first place) no longer exists. In
Africa, it is still the same old story of communal
uprisings and genocidal strifes resulting from
internecine struggles for power, accelerated by high
poverty level, ever-increasing illiteracy,
malnourishment, diseases, etc. Perhaps with the
exception of few countries like South Africa, Ghana,
and to some extent Nigeria who have recorded some
level of improvement in their political economies, the
story from the continent within this period is not a
pleasant one to tell.
At the international level the United Nations
Organisation has remained the most formidable
conglomeration of nations guarding jealously, its
cardinal objective of ensuring the maintenance of
international peace and security. However, events
within the international system over the last few
years tend to portray the UN as a multilateral
organisation that has lost its clout and its
significance overtaken by events. Many analysts are
of the opinion that the organisation has become an
appendage of the US foreign policy machinery. This is
in view of the glaring incapacity demonstrated by the
organisation to tame the tide of US’s imperialistic
excesses in world politics especially its foreign
policy in the Middle East. The 2003 US attack on Iraq
and subsequent dethronement of Saddam Hussain’s
government without any UN resolution coupled with the
organisation’s inability to sanction the country for
its excesses, all team up to show that the
organisation has failed in its responsibilities and is
heading for the precipice. A little flashback to the
events that led to the failure of the League of
Nations, the organisation that preceded it, would
reveal that this assertion is not farfetched. One of
the major factors that led to the failure of the
League was its inability to sanction Mussolini when he
attacked Ethiopia, a member of the League apparently
due to the fear that sanctioning Italy on account of
that would make Mussolini withdraw from the League.
But this indifference exhibited by the League only
served as an impetus to other powerful countries to
toe similar path. For example, it was not until after
this that Hitler continued with his expansionist moves
which ultimately culminated in the collapse of the
League and consequently, igniting the Second World
War.
Bearing this scenario in mind, the need for the reform
of the UN could not have come at a better time if only
to avert the impending possibility of the organisation
going the way of the League of Nations and increasing
international tension, suspicion, distrust, insecurity
and possibly a Third World War which the world may not
survive in view of the mass proliferation of nuclear
weapons across continents. The need for the UN
reforms is even more pronounced, in realisation of the
fact that some of the present permanent members of the
council as presently constituted have outlived their
usefulness. For example, the imperatives that ensured
permanent seats for countries like France and Britain
which in any case has, over the years become the 51st
state of the US, no longer exist let alone a
disintegrated USSR! Isn’t it a fact that based on
contemporary realities, Germany and Japan could lay
more credible claim to the Permanent seat of UN
Security Council than any of the diminishing trio at
least in consideration of their strong economic base
and clout in international relations and politics?
The quest for a fairer regional representation in the
council could also never have come at a better time.
It is quite significant that in the light of their
enormous contributions to world economy, the African
continent and the Middle East countries definitely
deserve permanent representation in the council.
There is therefore no wondering why the African Union
(AU) favours the Option A of the reforms which
provides for a 24-member Security Council as against
the present 14 and the creation of six new permanent
seats two of which are to be allotted to Africa. In
this piece however, the focus will be on the chances
of Nigeria in clinching the permanent seat especially
in the light of the keen challenge it is facing from
at least two other major contenders from the continent
i.e. Egypt and South Africa. In doing this, the piece
shall highlight some of Nigeria’s strong points and
weaknesses in the contest which has since began in
earnest.
One of the major strong points of Nigeria in its quest
for the permanent seat of UN Security Council is its
leadership role in the continental politics. It is a
well-known fact that over the years, Nigeria’s foreign
policy has consistently been Afro-centric in nature.
This is based on the belief that the security
well-being of the country is more or less hinged on
the security and material wellbeing of its poor
neighbours. This is in recognition of the sad events
of the Nigerian civil war in which some powerful
enemies of Nigeria took advantage of its poor
neighbours to support the rebellion in Nigeria by
using their territories and waterways. Since, this
experience, Nigeria has attached so much premium not
only to the promotion and defence of its neighbours’
socio-economic and security interests, but also
defending the dignity of the black race the world
over. In this regard, and in its tireless effort of
wiping out colonialism and white minority rule in the
continent, Nigeria has been in congruence with the
cardinal principles and objectives which the United
Nations stands for. Towards this end, the country has
made significant contributions to the attainment of
independence of African countries such as Angola and
Zimbabwe and also played dominant roles in the
struggle against apartheid and white minority rule in
South Africa which not only saw to the achievement of
independence of those countries but also led to the
establishment of multi-racial government in South
Africa.
Furthermore, Nigeria has over the years, participated
in various peace keeping operations in war-torn
African countries and beyond under the umbrellas of
various multilateral organisations such as the UN, OAU
and ECOWAS. The human and financial commitments to
such noble ventures is unrivalled by any other country
in the continent. Moreover, over the last six years,
Nigeria has distinguished itself as a promoter and
defender of democratic ideals in the continent. The
country has played a commendable role in not only
ensuring the reversal of the military coup in
Sierra-Leone but also ensuring that the legitimate
government of Ahmed Tejan Kabba was restored to power.
Also, when the military establishment struck in
Sao-Tome and Principe, Nigeria was seen at the
forefront condemning the action and ensuring the
restoration of democratic order in the country.
Nigeria has also recently played a significant role in
quashing the obnoxious precedent that was about to be
set in Togo when the late President Gnassingbe Eyadema
died and the military guys, in glaring contravention
of constitutional provisions, installed his son as the
successor. Added to the fact that Nigeria itself is
now a democracy in spite of a long history of
militocracy, the country’s interventions in these
three African countries represent quite an impeccable
credential for the country as an emerging vanguard for
democracy and rule of law in the continent.
The question of debt overhang which has continued to
be a major nightmare of most third world countries
particularly African countries has also been
assiduously tackled by the country over the last six
years. Nigeria has spearheaded the campaign for debt
relief and or outright cancellation with all the
vociferousness it could muster. The campaign has been
effectively carried to the doorsteps of the western
creditor nations and their institutions like the Paris
and London clubs. Recently, such efforts have started
yielding positive results at least with the decision
of the European Union to forgive the debt of the
Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) of which
African countries are in the majority. Even though
Nigeria itself is yet to directly benefit from the
concessions, the indirect benefit that accrues to it
from this is the reaffirmation of its leadership clout
in the continent since the credit for the realised
concessions largely goes to it. On the other hand, if
the words of the World Bank governor Paul Wolfowitz
are anything to go by, in the foreseeable future, the
country’s $34b debt profile might be reduced to a mere
$6b. If this materializes, it will amount to killing
two birds with one stone.
Furthermore, Nigeria’s concerted efforts in making a
case for African emancipation from the shackles of
poverty, illiteracy, and underdevelopment at world
level has began to yield some positive results. For
example, the recent establishment of the UN Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) which are geared towards
halving the poverty level in Africa by the year 2015
is a case in point. Also, the establishment of the
African Commission by the British Government to
address the development question in Africa is largely
attributed to this. Whether these initiatives,
workout in the end or not, the fact remains that with
a megaphone like Nigeria in the Security Council of
the United Nations new grounds shall be broken that
will pave way for sustainable growth and development
in Africa.
The structure of Nigeria’s domestic political economy
is also a point of reference when considering the
possibility of its clinching the much coveted seat. A
careful study of the composition of the country’s
economy would reveal that it is a potentially great
one with abundant natural resources, arable land, good
climatic conditions, strategic location in the
continent, etc. Also the country’s large population
is a plus for it since it is the single most populated
country in the continent. If China could clinch the
seat largely on account of its population in its
region, Nigeria also qualifies on same ground.
Consequent upon the country’s large population, it has
consistently served as the largest market in Africa
and also constitutes a formidable military power in
the region.
Having considered some of the strong points that will
work in favour of Nigeria as far the quest for a
permanent seat in the UN Security Council is
concerned, it will not be out of place to consider
some of our major shortcomings. Along this line, the
first major setback against Nigeria is its inability
over the years, to match its resounding foreign policy
track record with an enduring and impeccable domestic
policy that is diligently followed to the letter. It
is a fact that Nigeria’s domestic policies have been
characterized by gross inconsistencies in the form of
lack of continuity and in majority of cases
half-hearted commitment to the execution of the
formulated policies. Scholars of international
relations and politics often posit that there is a
direct relationship between the realisation of a
country’s foreign policy objectives and its domestic
policies. In order words, the realisation of a
country’s foreign policy objectives is a function of
proper execution of its domestic policies. This
explains why Nigeria has failed to get maximum
benefits from its foreign policy engagements over the
years.
This point could be lucidly demonstrated by using the
character of President Obasanjo’s foreign policy
stance in the last six years which centres on
reconciling Nigeria with the international community,
particularly, the western world; partly because of the
bad image it suffers from successive years of military
rule and particularly because of Late General Abacha’s
antagonistic posture towards the western world which,
in the recent past, even saw the country being
expelled from the Commonwealth of Nations. The
administration has not only been able to commendably
reconcile and reintegrate Nigeria into the world
community but also established friendly relations with
the western world. But six years after all these
overtures and fence-mending, the administration has
failed to realise its objective of attracting Foreign
Direct Investments (FDIs) into the country in spite of
President Obasanjo’s personally taking the campaigns
to world capitals. This is mainly the result of the
government’s failure to effectively pursue domestic
policies and squarely address the country’s internal
problems with the deserved dexterity. For example,
one of the earliest promises of this administration
was that of ensuring the overhaul of the power and
energy sector of the Nigerian economy. The sad story
is that up till today, the government has not being
able to fulfil this promise as power and energy supply
remains epileptic which serves as a gross disincentive
to production, commerce and investment.
Also, the government’s gross failure to address the
question of increasing impoverishment, malnutrition,
hunger, and other deprivations in the midst of
abundance as well as its blatant neglect of social
sector services particularly education and health
under the guise of economic reforms, has continued to
elicit mass disenchantment of Nigerian masses for as
the saying goes, “a hungry man is an angry man.” Even
though this might be considered as a cliché, the
import of its moral must not be lost on us. Thus, the
recurrent ethno-religious conflagrations that have
almost become a permanent feature of our polity in the
last six years could well be explained along these
lines. Therefore, so long as conscious effort is not
been made by the government to address the question of
poverty and collapse of social institutions, it will
be difficult to tame the monsters of corruption,
ethno-religious uprisings, sabotage and vandalisation
of government properties among many other unpleasant
happenings that continue to cast the nation in bad
light over the years. The overall implication of this
is that it makes it difficult for any sane foreign
investor to come and invest in the country in spite of
whatever diplomatic white wash that would be engaged
in by the government. This is particularly true when
viewed within the context of the information
technology revolution which has turned the whole wide
world into a small global village in which happenings
in one country cannot be hidden from the knowledge of
other countries; certainly not with the wide network
of satellite televisions, internet technology,
powerful international radio and newspaper outfits
with universal coverage, etc.
Furthermore, the level of political immaturity in our
polity displayed through brazen arrogance of power and
other shameful acts that are at variance with
democratic norms could be another major undoing of our
international exploits. The Anambra crisis is a point
of reference when discussing the extent of the
degeneracy of our political culture, immaturity,
selfishness and greed. A situation whereby a sitting
governor is abducted and forced to resign with the
active connivance of the police who is supposed to be
the defender of democratic institutions and ideals is
unheard of in any civilised society. The situation
becomes more lamentable in the light of government’s
failure to take stern measures against the
perpetrators of the dastardly act.
In consideration of some of the gross impediments to
our quest for development and hindrances to
international prominence, it is recommended that the
present and indeed subsequent administrations in this
country should concentrate in instilling fiscal
discipline and consistency in domestic policy
formulation, execution and assessment without any
imaginary attachment to the dictates of contemporary
globalists. Recent initiatives by the present
administration in the area of economic and financial
crime fighting through the EFCC, the war against
corruption through the ICPC, the drug fight through
NAFDAC as well as the due process initiatives are
commendable. Intensification of these strides will
definitely yield more positive results in terms of
better international image and positive internal
growth and development for the country.
It is also recommended that the government treads
softly, the path of its adopted foreign-induced
economic reforms. This is because experience has
shown that sustainable development comes from within a
polity through deliberate, sincere and sustained
creation of institutions and structures that will
augment developmental efforts than by relying on the
dictates of IMF and World Bank. We must learn lessons
from the experiences of some African countries who
suffered the extreme devastating consequences of
holding on to such policies. For example, today
Somalia is a failed state because of its
implementation of the Bretton Woods Institutions’
(BWIs) recommended structural adjustment programmes.
Also the Rwandan genocide of 1994 which is
unprecedented in human history, culminated from the
country’s embracement of such programmes after the
price of coffee, its major revenue earner, crashed in
the international market.
Also, bearing in mind, the experiences of the
so-called Asian tigers especially since the post-cold
war abandonment syndrome sets in, it is glaring that
sustainable development always results from conscious
homegrown initiatives as against reliance on handouts
and concessions from metropolitan powers and blatant
disregard for the sufferings of the masses in the
domestic front occasioned by the policies recommended
by them. The right model to adopt in this regard
should be the Japanese model who, after suffering the
worst damage in the Second World War, today emerges as
major world economic power whose thriving economy is
threatening to outdo the ageing economies of the US
and Britain put together. It achieves this feat
largely through putting its house in order and
pursuing vigorous human resources development
initiatives as well as effective exploration of
domestic potentialities.
It is also recommended that the Nigerian authorities
should, rather than pursuing diligently, the polices
of deregulation and less government intervention in
economic affairs, take a cue from President
Roosevelt’s (1933-1936) programme of action titled
“The New Deal.” According to Professor Sam Aluko in
his work entitled “The Economic and Political Failure
of Globalisation in Africa”, “when faced with a
depressed and oppressed economy, he (Roosevelt) used
the powers of the American government to upstart and
reinvigorate the tottering economy of the USA. When
he became the President of the United States in March,
1933, the economy of the USA was in shambles; the
financial system was disintegrating; industrial and
agricultural production had collapsed, about 13
million unemployed US workers (constituting about 25%
of the labour force) were wandering around, homeless,
hungry and starving (in Africa, today, such army of
the unemployed are either fighting, rebelling,
terrorizing, or starving).”
He went on, “In a program which he labelled the "New
Deal", Roosevelt put in place measures to improve
agriculture and industry, grant debt relief to farmers
and private households and the needy and, in a planned
manner, ensured that the government strictly
supervised banking, credits and investments by ending
speculation with people's money. That is, under
government control, he ensured a disciplined attack on
the economic problems of the USA. In the "New Deal",
the US government issued credit to finance public
works and large-scale infrastructural projects. In the
rural areas electrified-canals, tunnels, bridges,
highways, streets, sewage systems, houses, hospitals,
schools, universities, multi-purpose dams, power
plants, fertilizer factories, and flood control docks
were built”.
He further asserted that “Farmers were given
fertilizers at heavily subsidized cost. Wages were
increased and minimum wage legislation was enacted.
Insurance for the unemployed, the sick and the old,
and a decent health care system were introduced. Child
labour was abolished and a "Bill of Rights" for the
American workers was introduced. The American
government was not indifferent to the plight of the
American people nor did the government leave the
economy to "market forces". Rather, the organic power
of the state was used to uplift the American citizens
from economic morass. It was the 'New Deal' that took
America out of depression and put it on the path of
economic growth, which today has made her the most
economically powerful country in the world.”
In the light of the above, it can be argued therefore
that with staunch and practical homegrown domestic
policies which are in line with our domestic, regional
and continental realities and in concert with our long
established resounding foreign policy track record
coupled with a permanent seat in the UN Security
Council, the country might have finally taken the road
to greatness, self-sufficiency and purposive
leadership and representation of Africa within the
international system.
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